Imagine that five years from now when a light switch is flipped on in a Santa Rosa home, the electricity comes straight from solar panels mounted on the roof of a nearby school; and when it's too cloudy to generate solar juice, turbines roar at the geothermal plants near Geyserville; and when demand for wattage is highest, a power plant near the airport that runs on methane extracted from chicken poop kicks in; and during the winter's storms, wave-generated electricity streams across lines from Bodega—all low-carbon, with not a watt of nuclear power in sight.
Unfortunately, Sonoma County residents currently get the biggest chunk of their electricity from enormous natural gas plants located far away, and another major source of PG&E-supplied energy is the Diablo Canyon nuclear power plant. Effectively, PG&E monopolizes Sonoma County's energy market. Even taking into consideration existing solar, wind and hydroelectric power, our current power supply is environmentally ruinous and almost entirely generated outside the county. Unless things drastically change, this region's already bloated carbon footprint will only grow.
Now imagine not only an ecologically sensitive and economically robust alternative to business as usual, but add this kicker: all of it could be owned and democratically controlled by Sonoma County's residents and local investors, and built by local workers.
On March 22, the Sonoma County Board of Supervisors may have set in motion just such a future by tasking the water agency to study the feasibility of developing a Community Choice Aggregation program. It marks the beginning of what could be a dramatically positive transformation of Sonoma County's entire economy, but the path forward is highly complex and full of potential pitfalls.
Local, clean energy is an obtainable goal thanks to a little-known piece of legislation, Assembly Bill 117, passed in 2002, which enables local governments to establish Community Choice Aggregation programs (CCA or "Community Choice"). "I like to call it Community Choice Energy," says Woody Hastings of the Climate Protection Campaign, a local nonprofit involved in shaping energy policy. "It's less jargony than 'Aggregation,' and captures what it's really about: locally developed clean energy."
The only precedent in California to what Sonoma County seeks exists in Marin County. And while dozens of other communities across the state have explored the possibility of creating their own CCA, and some have even taken steps to set one up, only San Francisco leads Sonoma County as of today.
"We're in the very beginning stages," says Cordel Stillman, capital projects manager for the Sonoma County Water Agency. Stillman's team is heading the feasibility study partly because the water agency is a utility in its own right, with several megawatts of solar and hydropower already online. "The purpose is to see if CCA is financially viable. It's strictly a numbers game. If it pencils out and we go with a CCA, then developing local sources will become a focus."
Parallel to Stillman's feasibility study is another water agency-led effort to explore potential renewable energy resources from Petaluma to Cloverdale. Called Renewable Energy for Secure Communities, or RESCO, the mission of the state energy commission, in its own words, is "to advance the implementation of a locally owned, cost-effective renewable portfolio." Already on the shelf is another blueprint for the development of local renewable energy, the Climate Action Plan, developed by the Climate Protection Campaign. Built into these studies, and the ethos of the officials and activists driving them, is the notion that renewable, low-carbon projects, located within the county, should be a core component from the very beginning.
In this respect, Sonoma County's reasons for pursuing a CCA are somewhat different from previous efforts. For example, in Ohio and Massachusetts, where two successful CCAs were founded in the early 2000s, green energy and localization were overshadowed by the primary drive to reduce ratepayer bills.
Just a year old, the Marin Energy Authority is the first operational CCA in California. It took a gargantuan effort. "When we got close to launch, PG&E did an anti-marketing campaign," recalls Jamie Tuckey, spokesperson for the Marin Energy Authority (MEA). "They were sending out direct mailers to everyone in Marin. It was a fear-based campaign where they were spreading rumors that households would go into debt by $5,000 if they joined our agency, saying that the lights would go out, that we weren't actually going to be supplying clean energy." After PG&E failed to scuttle the MEA, the utility attempted to prevent other communities from following Marin's lead by sponsoring Proposition 16, a ballot initiative that would have established virtually insurmountable obstacles to establishing CCAs.
But all is not as green as it may seem in Marin. Since overcoming PG&E's efforts to kill it, the MEA has been subjected to an altogether different kind of scrutiny that reveals just how difficult the task of localizing and greening the energy supply really is, even with the right policy in place. In a recent editorial in SolarTimes, Marin County resident and publisher Sandy LeonVest wrote:
"While MEA took credit in its promotional material and in the local media for 'breaking away' from PG&E, it ended up signing a contract with an even bigger and more formidable corporation: Shell Energy North America, a subsidiary of Royal Dutch Shell. And MEA customers, as it turned out, would still be reliant on PG&E to deliver their energy. . . . While it's arguably true, at least on paper, that the energy mix from MEA is clean, SolarTimes' research shows that, at best, it is only marginally cleaner. And the authority has yet to implement plans for building any locally generated energy."
Like the MEA, San Francisco's CCA, CleanPower SF, which is nearly operational, has also been in negotiations with Shell as a possible supplier. Yet Shell's environmental and human rights abuses are infamous. Shell seems content to profit from Marin's wealthy consumers who will pay premiums for "deep green" electricity, all the while continuing to drill for oil in the Gulf of Mexico and increasing use of the controversial method of "fracking" to release natural gas deposits by pumping toxic chemicals into the earth.
The MEA's Tuckey counters such criticisms by noting that while Shell supplies the energy, the electrons are still being generated from less carbon-intensive sources. "We actually have the highest percentage of renewable energy resources reported to the Public Utilities Commission of any utility in the state." Tuckey also notes that the MEA's contract with Shell was always considered a first step for a small agency with big goals but a limited in-house capacity (MEA has a staff of five); the ultimate goal is still to develop local resources and suppliers.
These seem distant targets at their current pace. The MEA is expanding its energy supplies with an Atlanta-based corporation (hardly local) to develop methane-gas-fired energy from landfills. According to MEA documents, these two facilities will be located at landfills in Yuba and Solano counties, thus any harm to the environment—and any jobs created—would occur outside Marin.
So too for the 40-megawatt solar farms MEA is currently negotiating to build. Charles Schultz, development director of Local Power, the Bay
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